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(Ballroom of the Plaza Athenee Bangkok) |
THE NEW PRIME MINISTER FETES THE FOREIGN MEDIA
(first published in the South China Morning Post as "Man with a Mission," June 9, 2001)
Man with a mission: Thaksin
Shinawatra's foreign policy includes stronger ties with neighbours such as
Burma. But he skirts the issue of Aung San Suu Kyi and draws a line between
himself and Asia-first pundits such as Malaysian counterpart Mahathir Mohamad.
by Philip J Cunningham
On June 4, 2001 Thaksin
Shinawatra, Prime Minister of Thailand, stood in front of the international
press corps and fielded tough, sometimes outright hostile questions for an
hour, steadfastly holding his ground. In the glittering ballroom of Bangkok’s
newest five star hotel packed with veteran foreign reporters, diplomats,
bankers and businessmen, he showed his pluck and shared his vision for a better
Thailand.
The Prime Minister hit a
few rough patches during the Q&A of the Foreign Correspondent’s Club of
Thailand-sponsored event, but for the most part he gleamed with unruffled
confidence. He eschewed the politician’s tendency to play to the crowd and set
himself up for some predictable criticism from the Pax Americana globalists
when he said he didn’t have a strong “preference” between China and the United
States.
He coolly asserted
Thailand’s right to be friends with whomever it pleases, describing
Thai-Chinese relations as “close and getting closer.” He then hastily added that he wished the same for US
relations, which have been close since World War Two, concluding, “We are a
small country, we want to be friends with both.”
Thaksin, like former US
president Bill Clinton, was elected on domestic issues and he has given
Thailand’s economy more attention than anything else, yet his foreign policy
already shows promise of being the hallmark of his tenure in office. Thaksin is
anxious to go to Rangoon to strengthen bilateral relations though he has been
thwarted to date by a series of nasty Thai-Burma border incidents involving
military units in the field.
When asked the inevitable
question from a journalist sympathetic with the plight of Aung San Suu Kyi,
focus point of Western aspirations for Burma, Thaksin’s sly response showed his
appreciation for both American and Chinese positions. “We love democracy but
cannot interfere in the domestic affairs of our neighbors.” Non-interference is classic Beijing
rhetoric, but when Thaksin, victor of the freest elections and biggest
landslide in Thai history says he loves democracy, it carries some clout.
Not all of Thaksin’s moves
have been good for democracy though. His company’s purchase of Thailand’s only
politically independent TV station last year caused a big hue and cry, as iTV
was founded specifically to offer a non-governmental look at the news. More recently, Thaksin’s get-tough-on-drugs plank led to the highly gratuitous execution of four convicted drug
dealers. Regardless of whether this was taking a page from Beijing’s book, or
more along the lines of US cowboy justice, many Thai Buddhists found it deeply
disturbing
Thaksin’s willingness to
gently embrace China, Burma and Malaysia is controversial, and he was quick to
cast his “good neighbor” policy in reassuring terms. If Asian nations “collaborate for a strong and vibrant Asia,” he believes it will make for good trading partners. Subtly drawing a line between himself and Asia-first pundits
such as Shintaro Ishihara and Mahathir Mohammed, Thaksin stressed that his
vision of Asia is not exclusive but “inclusive.”
Apparently frustrated that
the Prime Minister’s talk on foreign policy talk was dominated by questions
about the US and China, a Japanese reporter testily said, “What about Japan?”
Thaksin smiled and said he was waiting for the Japanese government to invite
him.
Thaksin’s prepared speech
alternated between fortune cookie wisdom, such as “we must capitalize on
unforeseen opportunities” and US-boardroom platitudes such as “I look forward
to your feedback and continuing and interactive dialogue.”
As for feedback, he got
and plenty of it. Thaksin has already won over large segments of the Thai
press, but for the most part he has not gotten better than lackluster support
from English language scribes in the region. He recently even went as far as telling Thai ambassadors to
complain to editors in the host country if they see articles critical of
Thailand, as if confusing journalism with public relations and diplomatic
platitudes. His detractors
rightfully raise the question whether or not his enormous wealth buys
influence, especially in Thailand where wealth and power attract loyalty rather
easily. When Thaksin’s Shin Corps bought controlling shares in iTV last year,
there followed a few incidents that reeked of editorial meddling. “Uncooperative”
reporters linked to the Nation TV and newspaper group were fired. Business or
politics?
The Nation has been a
constant critic of Thaksin on everything from political platform to media
meddling. The Bangkok Post has been relatively supportive, giving enough good
coverage for staffers to joke that they’ve been bought out but haven’t gotten
their money yet. The Thai language Khao Sod has praised Thaksin’s “new way of
thinking, new way of doing,” while the Daily News acerbically said he’ll use
foreign commitments to wriggle out of his day in court.
Most billionaires buy
themselves considerable privacy, but as a politician, Thaksin has elected to
live his life under the public spotlight. The mysterious explosion of a Thai
Airways jet minutes before the Prime Minister was due to board in early March
raised the spectre of both terrorism and the tedium of being on stage all the
time. When Thaksin was reported as saying “I am not afraid, that would only
encourage these people,” a reporter then quoted Thaksin’s son Panthongthae
grilling his dad. “You said you weren’t afraid, so why did your face turn pale?”
Thai aviation got a second
round of bad publicity when the Prime Minister, according to the Bangkok Post,
said Thai International “sucks.” Post Editor Pichai Chuensuksawadi maintains
that the translation was fair, but Thaksin still disputes the context of the
comment in which he used the coarse word “huay” to describe first class seats
that don’t recline properly. Such is the life of the demanding first class traveler.
Such too is the life of a prime minister in Thailand, where any deviation from
decorum and “thinking about other
people’s feelings” opens one up to heavy criticism.
To put Thaksin’s
ambition and accomplishments in perspective, he’s outdone Citizen Kane; it’s as if the
richest man in the US decided to buy a controlling stake in CNN, then ran for
president and won. Does he himself know what it is that drives him? His
seemingly boundless ambition already has plenty of tongues wagging, so I put
the question to the man himself at the June 4th event. Why does a man who has
it all-money, family, social status-want more work, especially the bruising job
of Prime Minister?
“I don’t have to be Prime
Minister,” he answered in Thai. “I can take it or leave it. It is a lot of
work, but I feel Thailand has been very good to me, and I want to give
something back. As you say in
English, it’s my commitment.”